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The persistent assertion that Bengal remains free from the rigid caste hierarchies defining other Indian regions is not merely a historical oversight but a deliberate ideological project. In their recent volume, Caste in Bengal: Histories of Hierarchy, Exclusion, and Resistance, editors Sekhar Bandyopadhyay and Tanika Sarkar argue that caste has not vanished from the region.
Instead, it has been effectively camouflaged beneath the veneers of class, cultural refinement, and regional identity. The historical record suggests that this erasure began long before the post-Independence era, rooted in the complex social dynamics of colonial Bengal.
As noted in the text, Nobel laureate Rabindranath Tagore once petitioned for special political representation for Bengali caste Hindus, citing their supposed cultural superiority and economic preponderance. This paradox highlights the durability of Bengali exceptionalism, where intellectuals frequently championed humanist ideals while simultaneously reinforcing existing social stratifications.
Maroona Murmu, a professor of history, characterizes the resulting environment as one of quiet and non-physical violence, which often proves as devastating as the overt spectacles of caste-based conflict seen elsewhere. This systemic exclusion is most visible in the political sphere, where three specific castes—Brahman, Kayastha, and Baidya—have monopolized the office of chief minister since 1947.
Despite representing a tiny minority of the population, these groups have maintained a grip on power that contradicts the egalitarian narratives often promoted by the state’s political leadership. The labor history of the region further illuminates the mechanism of this domination, particularly regarding the groups that physically constructed modern Calcutta.
Uday Chandra identifies a labor theory of caste domination, where ritual impurity was used to justify the assignment of the most stigmatized and arduous work to Adivasi groups and Dalit communities. These workers, often classified as tribes or coolies, were essential to the city’s infrastructure yet remained entirely excluded from the benefits of the modernity they helped build.
Municipal sanitary workers, including those from the Kol and Dom communities, occupied an even more precarious position within the urban hierarchy. As Tanika Sarkar details, these workers performed essential tasks while remaining so socially isolated that even other marginalized groups maintained distance from them.
Their 1928 strikes demonstrated significant working-class militancy. Communist union leadership consistently erased their caste identity from public discourse, focusing exclusively on wage negotiations to the detriment of addressing systemic untouchability.
The post-1947 period solidified these hierarchies through the administrative management of the refugee crisis following Partition. Partha Chatterjee demonstrates how upper-caste refugees were granted land and resources near Calcutta, while lower-caste refugees were forcibly dispersed to remote areas like Dandakaranya.
This displacement often stripped these groups of their Scheduled Caste status and effectively neutralized their potential to challenge the established bhadralok hegemony. The tragic fate of Jogendranath Mandal serves as a poignant case study in the suppression of autonomous Dalit political movements.
Despite his immense popularity among Dalit voters, Mandal was systematically undermined by Communist Party maneuvers and eventually died under suspicious circumstances in 1968. His legacy, like those of many other Dalit leaders, has been largely scrubbed from the public memory of the state, leaving behind few monuments or acknowledgments of his contributions.
This erasure is sustained by the cultivation of anti-Muslim sentiment, which functions as a primary ideological tool to enforce a unified Hindu identity. Sarbani Bandyopadhyay explains that the Bharat Sevashram Sangha and other organizations have historically promoted selective histories to prevent political alliances between Dalits and Muslims.
By framing the lowest-caste Hindus as defenders of a common front against a perceived external threat, the political establishment has successfully diverted attention from internal caste-based exploitation. The significance of these findings lies in the exposure of how power reconstitutes itself under the guise of progressivism.
When caste is treated as a residual relic of the past, the mechanisms that perpetuate inequality remain shielded from critical scrutiny. This dynamic ensures that the structures of domination are not dismantled but merely adapted to fit the changing political environment and social order of the region.
Understanding this history requires a shift in perspective from viewing caste as a static tradition to recognizing it as a living, adaptive structure. The persistence of these hierarchies suggests that the myth of castelessness serves a specific function: it renders the ongoing exclusion of marginalized groups invisible to the mainstream.
Without acknowledging this reality, the pursuit of social justice in Bengal remains hampered by the very narratives that claim to seek equality. Future scholarship and political discourse will likely face the challenge of reconciling these hidden histories with the dominant public memory.
As researchers continue to uncover the archives of alternative knowledge communities, the pressure to address these systemic inequities may intensify. The long-term impact of this research depends on whether it can successfully bridge the gap between academic analysis and broader public recognition of the caste dynamics that continue to shape the regional social order.
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